ON 16 December 1995, the first celebration of ‘Reconciliation Day” took place. It was timed to coincide with the inaugural meeting of the ‘South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission’. Convenor Desmond Tutu described the holiday as ‘serving the need of healing the wounds of Apartheid’. The holiday was meant to replace the ‘Day of the Covenant’, a controversial celebration bound up with apartheid ideology — in particular Voortrekker pretensions towards a special connection when it came to God and religion. Having disposed of one of the key elements of apartheid theology, the commission quickly embarked upon several special hearings, including investigations into the media, as well as the role of religion.
Releasing the first five volumes of its final report on Oct. 29, 1998, (and the remaining two volumes of the report on March 21, 2003). The commission claimed to have uncovered ‘the truth about human rights violations’ that had occurred during the period of apartheid. With a special emphasis on gathering evidence and uncovering information — from both victims and perpetrator — and not on prosecuting individuals for past crimes, the commission proclaimed its divergence from the Nürnberg trials that had prosecuted Nazis after World War II.
None of the commission’s findings were ever held up by a court of law, and the body of evidence relating to apartheid was simply cast aside in favour of a form of reconciliation, which boils down to “love thy neighbour”. If Reconciliation Day has become just another holiday on our nation’s calendar, analysts may be correct in stating: “The promises of 1994 have devolved into a strategic defeat”, this whilst South Africa pursues the exact same Nurenberg stance it rejected when it comes to solving problems in the Middle East before the International Criminal Court (ICJ)?
I am constantly amazed by those who seek to compare the Israel-Palestine conflict to the history of my own country, yet refuse to take any lessons away from our 1994 negotiated peace settlement which came about **because we talked it out, instead of warring it out**.
Is it because the analogy with apartheid was never going to be sustained in an actual conversation between the two sides? Allowing this canard to continue unabated, without criticism, serves one aim alone, which is to cast an obvious religious conflict over the final status of Jerusalem, a Jihad by Jihadists armed with a Charter outlining their Jihadist goals, as the modern-day equivalent of the US civil rights movement.
I am greeted by a litany of militia-backed disasters in the region on my social media feed on a daily basis, all of which merely demonstrate that war is not a solution to a political and social problem involving three major religions. The tragic toll on the Gazan civilian population, and a war which has now extended into Lebanon and Syria, parts of which were once ‘Palestine’ prior to the British Mandate period, is not only a tragedy for all humanity but a massive disappointment for those who continue to advocate peace, and a form of active reconciliation, which boils down to ‘tikkun‘ a Hebrew word that means ‘repair or restoration of the world’ — an objective which seeks to accomplish more than merely ‘atoning for one’s sins’.
At some point both sides need to talk to each other, and this can never happen so long as “River to the Sea” eliminationist rhetoric is taken for normal discourse by people like our own President.
Likewise, at home, if we keep rejecting attempts to enforce the parameters of the TRC, in which those who failed to apply for amnesty were meant to suffer the consequences of civil and criminal prosecution before the courts, (what happened to the funds reserved for such prosecutions?) we end up with two diametrically opposed policies: one preaching reconciliation at all costs (with no tangible economic restoration nor any legal closure), the other, seeking to enculpate all and sundry when it comes to foreign policy before the International Criminal Court.